Stage 3 Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Stage 3 - Case Study Example Moreover, coordinating of innovative arrangement in the inside will help in pulling in numerous adolescents who are the center’s focused on bunch in the market, subsequently keeping up client’s steadfastness. The middle should set up a safe and free WI-FI framework in the premises just as extemporize a participation database, which is computerized. In this way, coordination and timesaving in the inside would be simpler to suit both the customers and the center’s staff. What's more, use of savvy cards and key chain rings for store essential data will cause customers to feel good in the inside. To achieve this, the inside should set out on escalated publicizing of its items and administrations by means of the web other than utilizing fitness coaches particularly for customers with unique needs. Equipment: The basic equipment viewpoints related with internet business are server, contribution just as yield apparatuses and database the executives framework. This server will contain basic data and will go about as a reinforcement for data safeguarding framework. Info gadgets, for example, mouse and consoles are proficient instruments in the internet business framework (Carter, 2008). Programming: Software is the other fundamental part of web based business process. The most basic programming for web based business is the database the executives framework, which can store crucial data as text and pictures. The database for UMUC Healthy Fitness Center can be situated in the focal server or numerous workstations (Carter, 2008). Web availability in the middle is significant along these lines positioned â€Å"high† on the grounds that it was not there previously. It is significant in light of the fact that the customers will get to center’s enrollment database to store their installments and view commercials by the Fitness Center. The innovation framework should be accessible consistently to both planned and starting customers. Its rank is â€Å"high† in light of the fact that the inside being a 24-hour undertaking must empower fundamental frameworks

My Dominant White Culture Essay example -- Cultural Identity Essays

In my way of life, the earth is spotless. We have clean houses, clean network spaces, and clean schools. We will in general stay away from places that are filthy. The lodging is commonly adequate for our necessities, and we have empathy for those whose living spaces are not appropriate for their way of life. However no individual in my way of life would offer their home or vehicle to somebody who required it more. Appearance is critical in my way of life. The individuals in my way of life are relied upon to dress flawless and clean. It doesn't need to be the most recent style, however spotless and flawless is fitting. The individuals who do dress in the most recent style appear to order more regard from the others. The individuals who don't dress as per these principles are not excluded yet felt sorry for. For the most part, the haircuts become shorter with age. Most ladies are relied upon to wear make-up, the men are definitely not. Ladies are relied upon to yet not required to have huge bosoms, thin figures, little highlights (hands, feet, and noses), straight teeth, and a sound tan. Men are typically required to have a level stomach, swelling biceps, thick, full hair, straight teeth, and, obviously, a sound tan. Albeit numerous individuals of my way of life don't fit these pictures, most attempt somehow to accomplish these norms of appearance. The individuals who can accomplish these gauges are typically regarded and adored. These individuals are frequently highlighted in the media and met on how they achieved this objective of appearance. Â The language of my way of life is English. Many communicate in different dialects and are regarded for setting aside the effort to do as such. This culture began in Europe and cruised over the Atlantic Ocean. There are a wide range of societies spoke to in my way of life, however we are commonly white an... ...ach day. Â My school encounters were different. A large number of my companions originated from societies other than my own. Numerous understudies from contrasting societies graduated with most elevated distinctions and got grants. They needed to figure out how to try sincerely and to esteem information simply as I did. Tragically a large number of us needed to comply with the shape set by the school so as to be effective however. Â School fortifies the qualities predominant in the public eye. On the off chance that the general public is ruled by one specific culture, at that point each understudy must gain proficiency with those qualities. Fortunately, numerous societies share esteems and thoughts, however lamentably, many don't. Strife is the consequence of our decent variety and society, including the individuals who choose the educational plans for schools must settle. Really awful it ordinarily doesn't occur, I might want to find out about my neighbors. Â Â My Dominant White Culture Essay model - Cultural Identity Essays In my way of life, the earth is spotless. We have clean houses, clean network spaces, and clean schools. We will in general keep away from places that are messy. The lodging is commonly adequate for our requirements, and we have sympathy for those whose living spaces are not appropriate for their way of life. However no individual in my way of life would offer their home or vehicle to somebody who required it more. Appearance is critical in my way of life. The individuals in my way of life are required to dress perfect and clean. It doesn't need to be the most recent style, yet spotless and slick is proper. The individuals who do dress in the most recent style appear to order more regard from the others. The individuals who don't dress as per these guidelines are not alienated yet felt sorry for. Normally, the hairdos become shorter with age. Most ladies are relied upon to wear make-up, the men are definitely not. Ladies are relied upon to yet not required to have huge bosoms, thin figures, little highlights (hands, feet, and noses), straight teeth, and a sound tan. Men are typically required to have a level stomach, protruding biceps, thick, full hair, straight teeth, and, obviously, a sound tan. Albeit numerous individuals of my way of life don't fit these pictures, most attempt somehow to accomplish these guidelines of appearance. The individuals who can accomplish these norms are typically regarded and respected. These individuals are regularly highlighted in the media and met on how they achieved this objective of appearance. Â The language of my way of life is English. Many communicate in different dialects and are regarded for setting aside the effort to do as such. This culture began in Europe and cruised over the Atlantic Ocean. There are various societies spoken to in my way of life, however we are commonly white an... ...ach day. Â My school encounters were extremely different. A significant number of my companions originated from societies other than my own. Numerous understudies from varying societies graduated with most noteworthy distinctions and got grants. They needed to figure out how to try sincerely and to esteem information simply as I did. Tragically a considerable lot of us needed to adjust to the shape set by the school so as to be fruitful however. Â School fortifies the qualities prevailing in the public arena. On the off chance that the general public is overwhelmed by one specific culture, at that point each understudy must become familiar with those qualities. Fortunately, numerous societies share esteems and thoughts, yet tragically, many don't. Strife is the aftereffect of our decent variety and society, including the individuals who choose the educational plans for schools must settle. Really awful it as a rule doesn't occur, I might want to find out about my neighbors. Â Â

Genre Kryptonite Guidebooks to Wonder

Genre Kryptonite Guidebooks to Wonder In my professional life, I pin down the documented facts of historical events big and small. While the lingering presence of the past has an incredible amount of power, and I will always read books about the magic that happens inside an archive, I sometimes worry that history-as-facts drains it of anything resembling awe. When I get too hung up on this worry, I turn to books about the worlds real wondrous places. In descriptions  of places that dont quite make sense or events that cant be easily explained, I find  places where the past and the present butt up against each other, illuminating both and inspiring astonishment  that were all  here,  now. Books about the worlds mysteries seem to be having a moment. Maybe its because this year  has been one giant kick in the teeth, so the thought of running off to caves hidden along a shoreline or setting out to the worlds most isolated place is especially appealing. Maybe its because, paradoxically, as technology makes knowing where you are geographically  simpler, it makes knowing existentially where you are that much harder. Whatever the reason, Ill happily take it. When I need to imagine being someplace else, Ive been dipping in and out of  Atlas Obscura: An Explorers Guide to the Worlds Hidden Wonders, edited by Joshua Foer, Dylan Thomas, and Ella Morton. This book is beautiful color photographs, maps, excellent graphic design and has over 600 short entries about extraordinary places and things all over the world. Each includes an address and GPS coordinates so you can set off on a journey right now, if you want. Because of this book, Im now daydreaming about the thousands of fireflies that flash in unison by a group of  mangrove trees in Kuala Lumpur. Closer to home, I am now desperate to visit the Weeki Wachee Mermaid Show. Thats got to feel a bit  like walking in to Karen Russells amazing book Swamplandia!, right? Atlas of Improbable Places: A Journey to the Worlds Most Unusual Corners  by Travis Elborough, with maps by Alan Horsfield, is a curated guide  to places that just dont quite make sense. Elborough organized the book by  theme Dream Creations, Floating Worlds, Otherworldly Spaces, and more rather than geography, which makes it easy to  decide what genre of oddity or  improbability you want to consider based on your mood. The large black and white photographs, coupled with beautifully simple maps, gives this book an air of sophistication and inspires more than a little awe.  After browsing through this atlas, I have an  intense desire to visit The Lost City of San Juan Parangaricutiro, abandoned after an eight-year volcanic eruption in 1943! Thats 73 years ago but still  feels so recent to just abandon a city. As much as I love lusciously illustrated atlases books that will help me plan my next adventure, as a format, the atlas  is wrapped up with notions of conquest and consumption. When I want a break from books that encourage  viewing the worlds wonders as something to reach or obtain, I turn to Judith Schalanskys lyrical, meditative  Pocket Atlas of Remote Islands: Fifty Islands I Have Not Visited and Never Will  (translated from German by Christine Lo). This book is a visual and textual guide to islands of self-discovery. Neither fiction nor non-fiction, Pocket Atlas of Remote Islands  presents the reader with  50 different islands and their stories. Schalansky used various real  events, historical figures, and scientific studies as the starting point for essays in which she reflects on what space, wonder, history, geography, and isolation mean. Finally, sometimes the only way to consider a place is without images of that place to distract you. Lauret Savoys  Trace: Memory, History, Race, and the American Landscape will make the familiar unfamiliar. This incredible book is explicitly about confronting the ways that Americas history is all around us, rich with meaning and tempered by ironies. This book inspired  awe (and more than a little horror) in me as I saw the American landscape anew. So, where are we off to next? Full disclosure: I do freelance writing and event planning for Atlas Obscura. However, I genuinely like their book. They did not ask me to write this piece.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt And The World War II - 1165 Words

Franklin Delano Roosevelt, born on January 30, 1882, in Hyde Park, New York became the 32nd U.S. president in 1933. He was diagnosed with polio in the year 1921, making him paralyzed from the waist down. This, however, did not impede him from being the only person who has run for, and won, the presidency four times. Franklin died in 1945 from his illness but with great honor. FDR led this country through the Great Depression by implementing government spending programs that provided jobs in local areas, as well as leading the U.S through World War II with the help of this fine speech. December 7th, 1941, the Japanese launched a surprise attack on the U.S naval base, Pearl Harbor, near Hawaii. In efforts to disable the U.S, they used†¦show more content†¦After immediately meeting with members of his cabin, he was advised by Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, to address the matter aggressively and by deteriorating any U.S-Japan domestic relations. Roosevelt decided against it. Within hours, he instead dictated a short and emotional appeal to the people of the United States, as well as Congress. The speech was made at 12:30 pm on Monday December 8th, 1941 in Washington, D.C. Nicknamed the â€Å"Date of Infamy Speech,† it is one of the most famous political speeches of the 20th century. Franklin was heard by the largest audience in radio history. It pulled the nation together and away from their fear and dismay only hours previous to learning about the crippling event. The Japanese calculated one of the most daring and successful raids in all history, it was brilliant. Michael Slackman described the attack as â€Å"almost textbook perfect† in his book Target: Pearl Harbor (1990). â€Å"Toward the end of 1941. With the Soviets seemingly on the verge of defeat by the Axis powers, Japan seized the opportunity to try to take the oil resources of Southeast Asia. The U.S wanted to stop Japanese expansion but the American people were not willing to go to stop it.† With the U.S looking for an agreement, no one saw the attack coming. The age of new imperialism began in the 1870s when European states established vast empires mainly in Africa, but also in Asia and the Middle East. The United

Salt Gases Essay - 776 Words

for the inclusion of gases in salt deposits are outlined shortly in the following. Fig. 2-16 shows schematically the geological conditions in marginal areas of the Zechstein basin which provided the prerequisites for the inclusion of gases: tectonic events created passage ways (fissures) through the salt sequence, allowing gases and brines to escape from their host formations below the consolidated — and therefore impermeable — salt sequences. When contacting potash beds, the brines caused alterations of the potash beds, dissolving the most soluble potash minerals and precipitating less soluble salts; as the result, carnallite was replaced by sylvite and halite. In cases where such processes extended laterally into potash beds, sylvite was†¦show more content†¦Although gas inclusions in salt rocks are extremely important in some salt and potash mining districts for their effects on mining operations, they received little attention in textbooks which are now available in English translations, e.g., Borchert and Muir (1964) and Braitsch (1971). This may be due to the fact that, at the time when the German originals were written, these matters were still under controversial discussion; see Gimm and Pforr (1964) with contributions by Obert, Ignatieff, Panek, Baar. More recent publications (e.g., Gimm, 1968) indicate that the views expressed by Baar (1954d, 1958,1962) have been generally accepted. As the formation of gas inclusions in salt rocks requires special conditions, as outlined, such inclusions are rare in salt sequences without potash salts, as no reaction salts could form. This is the reason why the salt domes of the Gulf Coast are free from gas inclusions, with the exception of some cases where gases were occluded in recrystallizing halite, or secondary halite which may have crystallized from migrating solutions due to cooling. In contrast, the salt domes of northern Europe are loaded with pockets of salt rocks with abundant gas inclusions; as a matter of fact, several potash mines were abandoned at the beginning of this century because of the problems caused by gas outbursts (Gimm, 1968, p. 553). To date, no gas inclusions have been encountered in the Prairie Evaporites, in spite ofShow MoreRelatedThe Respiratory System And The Digestive System1640 Words   |  7 Pagesbody has a smaller surface area to volume ratio in comparison to smaller organisms, which are able to gain all gases that are needed though simple diffusion, and therefore is not able to complete all of the exchanges of the materials it requires in the same way. 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Cohesion and Discipline of the Party in Government Free Essays

string(157) " is because the party policy positions that are part of the brand with which each member is associated are influenced by the positions of all party members\." Parties matter in part because they influence the actions of elected officials. But scholars also note that lawmakers from the same party may not vote together. Party cohesion has varied over time – sometimes party members stick together on many key votes, at other times they are no more likely to vote with fellow party members than with the opposition. We will write a custom essay sample on Cohesion and Discipline of the Party in Government or any similar topic only for you Order Now Parties have various means at their disposal to encourage members to cooperate in achieving a party program. Sometimes these tools are sufficiently compelling that individual members may back the party program at the expense of their constituents’ interest. However the case is quite different in European Parliamentary systems of government where party cohesion is essential for the implementing of government policies that the party in power wishes to impose. Although party cohesion in American government has risen because of intraparty heterogeneity and the realignment of the South (Hetherington and Larson), the party discipline and unity is not nearly as cohesive as those found in Parliamentary systems. This is in large part due to the fact that the tools of the party leaders in each system are different. In Parliamentary systems, because the risk of not voting in terms of party could lead to the collapse of the present regime and government system, party leaders tend to have more effective tools at their disposal to use in encouraging party cohesion/discipline. Party discipline or cohesion  is the ability of a  political party  to get its members to support the policies of their party leadership. Party discipline is essential for all systems of  government  that allow parties to hold  political power  because it determines the degree to which the governmental organization will be affected by the political processes. Party cohesion is closely related to party discipline (Aldrich). Distinctly, however, it is essentially â€Å"coordinated† behavior reflecting the interacting incentives of individual legislators, whereas party discipline is the outcome of a strategic game played within political parties, in which legislators who are party members respond to rewards and punishments determined by some internal party decision-making regime. In political systems other than American presidential democratic system, straying from the party lines can result in the fine and/or expulsion of members such as in the  People’s Republic of China (Aldrich). Party discipline tends to be extremely strong in  Parliamentary systems such as in  European countries in which a vote by the legislature against their party is understood to cause the governmental â€Å"collapse† of the present regime (Huber). In these situations, it is extremely rare for a member to vote against the wishes of their party. Party leaders in such governments often have the authority to expel members of the party who violate the party line. Weak party discipline is usually more frequent in congressional systems  such as the  United States Congress where power within in the party is more democratic than the authoritarian system seen in parliamentary governments, with leaders dictating order to the members to follow suit. In these American legislatures, it is routine for members to cross party lines on a given vote, typically following the interests of their region (constituents) or following other members of a borderline group within their party. In America the risk is not that high, with party disagreement just results in the upsetting of the party elites without true damaging costs except for the withdrawal of their support. Party cohesion and party discipline are very distinctive under parliamentary government, where a lack of cohesion and/or indiscipline among parliamentarians belonging to government parties may jeopardize the very existence of the government. Certainly from the perspective of making and breaking governments, levels of party discipline are very high in European parliamentary democracies. There are very few examples indeed of parties that have been â€Å"half-in, half-out† of government, in the sense that legislators from the same government party have voted in different ways on key legislative motions of confidence and/or investiture. In this sense parties do go into and come out of government in a unified manner. In the American democracy, this just isn’t the case. Politicians have more allegiance to their regions and constituents than to their party. Because of the way the nomination system works. Party nominations no longer rest in the hands of party elites but in those of the public. Thus it’s better for one’s political career to appeal to the public and not to party. According to other scholars enhance this opinion by adding â€Å"the main influence of party discipline is not on the votes on specific roll calls but on the choice ideologically of the party† (McCarty, Poole and Rosenthal). This suggests that members will vote in line with their ideals rather than their leadership. To come to this conclusion they observed changing patterns of roll call voting among party-switchers and inferred that legislators appear o coordinate on roll calls because they change policy preferences to reflect those of their parties. Thus the question becomes, why do members of political parties even bother to behave in cohesive manners? Political scientists and elites have attributed this behavior to a trinity of solutions. Electoral incentives for legislators that arise from the value of a party label, strategic incentives within the legislature that reward le gislators who behave in a coordinated fashion, and the ability of party leaders to implement a system of rewards and punishments are all attributed reasons (Hix and Simon). Political scientists argue that electoral incentives might generate emergent party cohesion. By creating a type or brand that politicos can blanket themselves under in order for voters to infer information about candidates in elections. Recognized legislators join political parties to signal policy positions to voters, doing this so long as it increases their chances of election or re-election. Voters make inferences about candidates’ policy preferences only by observing their party membership. Identifying candidates with their party and ignoring what candidates might actually say about their own policy preferences. Candidates in these models do have underlying policy preferences and thus prefer to join parties comprising like-minded colleagues (Krehbiel). This is because the party policy positions that are part of the brand with which each member is associated are influenced by the positions of all party members. You read "Cohesion and Discipline of the Party in Government" in category "Essay examples" In this system it benefits a candidate to vote along party lines in order to be associated with a specific regime policies, outcomes, and therefore successes. Party membership involves costs that arise from this incentive. There are costs arising from associating with a party label indicating a unique policy position that differs from the ideal point of the member – and of being associated with a party that will actually implement this position if it is in a position to do so(Snyder and Ting). Since the primary focus of this type of work is on the electoral phase of the political game, and despite occasional references to â€Å"party discipline†, this approach involves no explicit model of intraparty politics– except for the assumption that the party policy platform is chosen by either a dictatorial leader or simple majority voting by party members (Snyder and Ting). In addition, this incentive assumes that politicians are allowed to join, and to remain within, any party they choose. The only â€Å"filter† on party entry in such odels is party policy itself which, combined with the deadweight costs of party membership, discourages legislators with very divergent policy positions from joining the party (Snyder and Ting 2002: 95) This means that the underlying process being modeled is a type of sorting or the partitioning of voters between parties, but the logical engine of this model could also be applied to explain the sorting of politicians between pa rties on the assumptions that party positions are some function of the positions of party members and that politicians want to affiliate to the party with the closest position. While this large body of work gives us useful intuitions about electoral incentives for legislators to affiliate to parties, the main lesson is that electoral incentives may well make a party label a valuable commodity. Thus, if a party’s decision-making regime can intensely threaten to withdraw the party label from party legislators if they fail to abide by party decisions about legislative behavior, then this will make those decisions easier to enforce. On this perspective, party discipline is about legislators responding to explicit or implicit threats by party leaders to impose electoral costs by withdrawing the party label, by casting votes in otherwise costly compliance with party policy. The resources party leaders in both parliamentary and US federal government and parliamentary government context can deploy to structure the incentives of legislatures in a way that ensures party discipline include control over electorally valuable party labels (party identity) and control over sought-after perquisites in the legislature. However, this incentive structure has an important new dimension under parliamentary government, arising from the fact that the legislature typically functions as a recruitment pool for the executive, and political ambition of its members are at the forefront. In Parliamentary governmental system, party leaders have the tools at their disposal to make or break candidates if they dissent, because the stakes are so high. If government parties cannot maintain firm party discipline, then they cannot retain a secure hold upon office. When legislative parties do move into government, control over the allocation of important government jobs, whether these are cabinet or junior ministries or other key patronage appointments, typically rests in the hands of a very small number of senior party politicians, who can and do use these offices to reward loyal party members and who can and do punish mavericks by denying them the rewards of office. However, in American politics party leaders do not have the authority to simply dismiss a candidate. They may only throw their endorsement or support candidates with funds and become â€Å"king makers†. It is unrealistic to think that Nancy Pelosi can tell a conservative democrat to go away. She can allow withhold resources (money and her name recognition support). But this won’t be enough if the candidates’ constituents carry him through to victory. Legislative incentives also coexist which derives from improved expectations in relation to a range of legislative payoffs that accrue to legislators who belong to larger rather than smaller cartels or coalitions of legislators. A large part of the relevant literature has been concerned with the role of party in the US Congress, and how the main concern of those elected is to pass legislature and having a single legislative party commands a majority position. The main legislative resource is the ability to capture a majority coalition of legislators. This is achieved by controlling the allocation between legislators of agenda setting legislative offices, such as committee chairs. On this argument, the power to make such allocations is delegated by party members to the party hierarchy, which can use this power to enhance party discipline, which in turn feeds back to enhance the value of the party label in the electoral game. This is important because the legislature is the main political arena in which legislators seek to fulfill their objectives, policy and otherwise. US parties impose discipline on their members by manipulating scarce agenda-control resources is in contrast an alternative influential argument, ( Krehbiel (1993, 1998). This holds that what looks like legislative party discipline is an essentially emergent phenomenon. US legislators choose which party to affiliate to on the basis of their intrinsic policy preferences – in effect joining a party of like-minded individuals and then quite voluntarily behaving in the same way as these on the floor of the House without the need for any â€Å"externally† imposed party effect. Legislators are voting the same way because they like the same policies, or because they are responding to the same non-policy incentive structure put in place by the party hierarchy. There are two roll calls put in place to ensure this outcome (Snyder and Groseclose). On one hand there are â€Å"lop sided† roll calls. In which first, legislators will treat these as a forgone conclusion and, second, that party leaders will see them as offering no rationale for the (by assumption costly) deployment of party discipline. On the other hand there are â€Å"close† roll calls, for which coordinated legislator behavior makes the difference between winning and losing. There is strong evidence suggesting that the â€Å"party effect† is much higher for close than for lop-sided roll calls. They infer from this that US parties can and do influence the behavior of their legislative members when this makes a real difference, and do not attempt to do so when it does not. Cohesion seems to be closest when the party leadership has publicly identified as a priority, and find much more of a party effect on these than on issues that are not party priorities. Party cohesion in parliamentary government is important to the proper function of government because it essentially in lamest terms â€Å"makes or breaks government†. Under the constitutional regime of parliamentary government, that is pervasive in Europe, almost certainly the most important role for the legislature arises from the fact that the executive gains and retains office as long as it maintains the confidence of the legislature. This requirement is constitutionally manifested in the parliamentary vote of confidence/no confidence in the government (Huber 1996; Lijphart 1992, 1999). The executive under parliamentary government, furthermore, the â€Å"cabinet† of ministers bound together under the constitutionally embedded rule of collective cabinet responsibility. The stability and effectiveness of the government thus depends upon the ability of government parties to maintain disciplined behavior by party legislators. Effective party discipline means that a government is not defeated – either on votes of confidence/no confidence or on key pieces of legislation – because some legislators who belong to government parties vote against the government. Thus, while the vote of no confidence is the constitutional foundation of parliamentary government, the behavioral foundation can be seen as party discipline. If the government parties maintain firm discipline on the part of their legislators, and if they control sufficient legislative support to take office in the first place, then they can maintain themselves in office, with firm control over the entire political process and facing few legislative impediments to the implementation of their policy and other objectives. Conversely, if government parties cannot maintain firm party discipline, then they cannot retain a secure hold upon office. The key point in all of his concerns the huge incentive in a parliamentary government system for senior party politicians – who themselves will often be members of the government – to maintain firm discipline over the members of their party. What is so striking about incentives for party cohesion and discipline under parliamentary government, as opposed to presidential government, is that these incentives cast the role of party leaders in a completely new light. â€Å"Party leaders† tend to play explicit and implicit roles. Party leaders tend to be seen as managers who essentially offer coordination and enforcement services to party members. As agents of their party, such party leaders have incentives to shirk. Imposing party discipline, by whatever means, is thus the fulfillment of obligation The reason such models of party discipline can look bizarre and unrealistic in the context of parliamentary government is that an â€Å"agency/expensive-discipline† model of party leadership (Cox McCubbins) seems implausible in a constitutional environment where party leaders are senior politicians who are the key players in a series of interlocking at the essence of the political process. Not only do party leaders make the really key decisions – about making and breaking governments, elections, but they also enjoy the benefits of office when this is achieved – whether these are perquisites such as the hefty check, the government jet, or the ministerial Mercedes, or opportunities to shift policy outputs in preferred directions as a result of controlling vetoes and agendas. In a nutshell, maintaining tight party discipline is highly incentive compatible for party leaders under parliamentary democracy. Indeed it is difficult to think of reasons why party leaders in a parliamentary government system would not want to maintain tight party discipline. Except in the matter of a voting on a highly divisive, sensitive, and cross-cutting issue, such as gay marriage or stem cell research for which it is against party interests to be identified with a single unambiguous position – then a legislative â€Å"free vote† can be declared on the matter and legislators can be allowed to vote with their â€Å"consciences†. But the orderly ability to switch free votes on and off is an indicator of firm party control over the behavior of party legislators (Aldrich). Parties are institutions in their own right. They are endogenous institutions, but parliamentary governmental parties are more deeply embedded into the constitutional rules of the political game of parliamentary government than a mere behavioral coalition of legislators. They are â€Å"political clubs† with their own set of rules to abide by. They are guided by their own system of rewards and punishment. In parliamentary government, membership of the party is completely dependent on the party label and the incentive of legislatives to be associated with the party brand or label. Cohesion and coordinated voting produce this benefit. In which individual members have an incentive to take part in coordinated behavior if they can get away with doing so. As mentioned before, if members choose not to act in this fashion, they can be exiled from the party and thereby denied access to the party label. Acting in accordance to party can result in the placement of one’s name on the party ballot. Parties have the right to endorse particular candidates as official party candidates. Under the list-Proportional Representation electoral systems that are very common in parliamentary democracies, parties absolutely control access to and candidate placement on the party list. Therefore, parties in parliamentary democracies directly control access to the party label on the ballot. If denied this, a putative candidate must be admitted to and endorsed by another party, or must form a new party, or must run as an independent. In addition, access to legislative perquisites, whether these are physical office accommodation, speaking time on the floor of the house (perhaps to impress constituents at the next election), or paid positions with access to considerable resources, such as committee chairs. There are thus plenty of opportunities for party hierarchs to reward and punish individual legislative party members as they go about their daily lives. No doubt in the U. S. A. the movement towards the establishment of a disciplined and responsible party system is largely confined to the academic world. In the presidential system in US government rewards and punishment do indeed exist but not on the same level as in the parliamentary government (Cox and McCubbins). Party elites cannot simply cast away political hopefuls directly due to the constitution and the format of the political system. Power is not solely in the hands of elites, but the major American parties, national and state, are not based on mass memberships. â€Å"Only here and there in the United States are attempts made to fix a large-scale party membership on a regular dues-paying basis and thus to correspond to the European parliamentary scale (Jackson Moselle). † Party cohesion is absent even among the party workers and all the discipline that exists among party organizers before elections ceases to exist after elections. The problem stems from American attitudes about party. Most Americans identify themselves with a particular party but do not feel that they are obliged thereby to work actively for that party’s nominees (Laver). Anyone can legally qualify himself as a party member just by going through some registration procedure. Unlike the parliamentary system where you must pledge party allegiance before even having one’s name considered on the ballot. No state demands work on behalf of a party’s candidates or contributions to its campaign funds as prerequisites for becoming a legal party member (Giannetti and Laver). Structure of the American party has impact on party cohesion. The party structure in America consists of â€Å"a hierarchy of permanent party committees from precinct to national committee†. The National Committee which stands at the apex is made up of one man and one woman from each of the states picked by some kind of machinery within its State organization. The seemingly hierarchical structure does not produce party cohesion for power is decentralized and each unit is independent and needs not approval form the others. For example, the Chairman of the County Committee does not depend for his post on the State Committee and the latter hardly depends for its tenure or powers on the National Committee. To add to decentralization of power is the absence of uniformity in structure. The most striking feature in the party organization in the U. S. A. is that it is regulated by State laws while in all other democracies party structure is determined by the party itself. Diversity in State laws regarding party organizations naturally does not give scope for political discipline for the parties in America. In addition, primaries took the power of selection away from a band of leaders and activists and placed in by law in the hands of the voters. Unlike in Parliamentary systems where the local party organization selects the candidates, the national party organization is finally obeyed. V. O. Key express the view that â€Å"by the adoption of the direct primary the organization was stripped of its most important function, that of nomination†. Every political party has two divisions, the organizational and legislative, and party discipline is as essential in the latter as in the former. If party cohesion is judged on the basis of the roll-call vote and the frequency with which members of a party differ among themselves, the index of cohesion in U. S. A. may be said to be very low. â€Å"The relatively low cohesion among Republican and among Democratic Congressmen† is mainly due to the non- parliamentary system of Government. The Congressman in U. S. A. need have no fear that division in the ranks of the party will lead to the dissolution of the legislature unlike in the Parliamentary system. So the significant feature with the roll-call vote in the American Congress is the absence of party cohesion. Each of the two parties is divided into several factions and the factions in the two parties join or oppose one another irrespective of party labels, depending on the issue put for voting (Krehbiel). The decentralized structure of the parties makes a member depend for his success in elections more on his constituency than on his party. However, party cohesion in American government is not nonexistent, even though it is not as strong as those under the parliamentary democracies system. Each party selects a floor leader, whips and a Caucus Chairman creating a somewhat centralized structure that in practice increase party cohesion. Commonly, the party groups cohere more tightly on some party dividing issues than on others. For example 4,658 members of the House in 11 selected modern sessions only 181 or less than 41 per cent voted with the opposing party more often than with their own. The proportion was slightly higher in the Senate. Out of 847 senators in 9 sessions, 63 percent secured their parties on a majority of the votes. (Jackson and Moselle)† For there is a tendency for most Republicans to be in voting opposition to most Democrats on controversial issues, showing strong party discipline. Indeed, American party cohesion is on the up rise. Realignment of the South played a role as the South has consistently voted conservatively since the Nixon years (Hetherington and Larson). Another key piece is the ideological differences among the two major parties (Democrats and Republicans) are greater today than they have been in years pass. Scholars have noted that the more ideologically extreme, the higher the cohesion. As parties have more interparty heterogeneity, each party has developed more intraparty homogeneity, which has given rise to roll-call voting (Hetherington and Larson). Strong party leaders also play a role in this phenomenon. Members in each party endow their respective party leaders with powers to advance the policy agenda. Ideological unity in the 1970s with House Democrats, cause them to place the Rules Committee under the control of party leaders. Thus giving the house Democratic Caucus more power to oust wayward committee chairs who stood in the progress of the party’s initiatives. Demonstrating, American parties have been adjusting to their weak party model, and adapting in a way to influence party cohesive as exhibited so strongly in the American government. It is the clear consensus that Parliamentary government is indeed stronger in party discipline and cohesiveness than its American presidential system counterparts. The main reason for this phenomenon rests in the power of the political elites in each party system and the tools the system provides for their disposal-party label, patronage, etc.. In American politics, elites can only indirectly influence party-line voting as granted to the present political system. However, in parliamentary government, elites directly have the authority to dismiss or elevate the position of their members, thus encouraging party cohesion. Bibliography Aldrich, John H. 1995. Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Political Parties in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Cox,Gary, and Mathew McCubbins 1993. Legislative Leviathan. Berkeley: University of California Press. Cox, Gary, and Mathew McCubbins. 2005. Setting the Agenda: Responsible Party Government in the US House of Representatives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming. Gallagher, Michael, Michael Laver and Peter Mair. 2005. Representative Government in Modern Giannetti, Daniela and Michael Laver. 2005. Policy positions and jobs in the government. European Journal of Political Research. 44: 1-30. Hetherington and Larson. Parties, Politics, and Public Policy in America. 11th edition. 2009 Hix, Simon. 2001. Legislative behaviour and party competition in the European Parliament: an application of Nominate to the EU. Journal of Common Market Studies 39:4 (November 2001), 663-688 Huber, John. 1996. Rationalizing parliament: legislative institutions and party politics in France. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jackson, Matthew O. and Boaz Moselle. 2002. Coalition and Party Formation in a Legislative Voting Game Journal of Economic Theory, Vol. 103, No. 1, pp 49-87. Kollman, Ken, John Miller and Scott Page. 1992. Adaptive parties in spatial elections. American Krehbiel, Keith. 1993. â€Å"Where’s the Party? † British Journal of Political Science 23 (1): 235–6 Political Science Review. 86 (December) 929-937. Laver, Michael. 2005. Policy and the dynamics of political competition. American Political Science Review, forthcoming. Snyder, James M. , Jr. , and Tim Groseclose. 2001. â€Å"Estimating Party Influence on Roll Call Voting: Regression Coefficients versus Classification Success † American Political Science Review. Vol. 95, No. 3, 689-698 V. O. Key:  Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups. p. 12. How to cite Cohesion and Discipline of the Party in Government, Essay examples

West And Torgovnick Essays - Discrimination, Racism,

West And Torgovnick West and Torgovnick: Manichean Ideologies Both Cornel West and Marianna De Marco Torgovnick discuss the idea of supremacy, Manichean theologies, and authoritarian behavior in their essays. However, they deal with these ideas differently and for different reasons. In West's essay, ?Malcolm X and Black Rage?, he explains Mal? colm X's views on how to transfer black rage in such a way that it would reject supremacy. In Torgovnick's essay, ?On Being White, Female, and Born in Bensonhurst?, she writes how her hometown held supremacist ideas and how this af? fected her. West is still pursuing the goal of black free? dom by looking into the past, especially Malcolm X's writ? ings. Whereas, Torgovnick kind of runs away from things and refers to living in Bensonhurst as having ?simultaneously choking and nutritive power. This difference is mainly due because West wants to try to make things better, while Torgovnick leaves her hometown feeling that she needs to start things over. Torgovnick writes about supremacist ideas in her cul? tural background. For example, she says, ?Italian Americans in Bensonhurst are notable for their cohesiveness and pro? vinciality; the slightest pressure turns those qualities into prejudice and racism? (Torgovnick 123). In other words there is a lot of racism and prejudice, especially towards Hawash 2 blacks, in Bensonhurst. Torgovnick's father also held supremacist ideas. Her father reacted with indifference to the death of a black man in Bensonhurst. As Torgovnick writes, ? ?Oh, no,' my father says when he hears the news about the shooting...He has no trouble acknowledging the wrongness of the death...The explanation is right before him but, ?Yeah,' he says, still shaking his head, ?yeah, but what were they doing there? (Torgovnick 125). Even though, he recognizes the wrongness of the death, he says the blacks weren't supposed to be there. His reason for his death holds supremacist ideas, because here he is being a racist. To say that blacks don't belong in a cer? tain neighborhood, is just like saying that they aren't good enough. Thus, Torgovnick father is being a racist. Torgovnick's hometown also holds Manichean ideologies, which means to see things only as black and white, right and wrong. In other words people who hold Manichean ideologies usually don't see things in between. She writes, ?Bensonhurst is a neighborhood dedicated to believing that its values are the only values; it tends to towards certain forms of inertia? (Torgovnick 124). Thus, the people of Bensonhurst believe that any other values are wrong, and their values are right. Here you can see how Torgovnick's hometown held Manichean ideologies because the people feel Hawash 3 that there values are the only right values. Any other values would be viewed as unacceptable to the people of Bensonhurst. Authoritarian behavior also exists in Bensonhurst. For example, when she was entering high school, her parents and counselor recommended a secretarial track despite her high scores. Torgovnick writes, ?Although my scores are superb, the guidance counselor has recommend the secretarial track...My mother's preference is clear: the secretarial track...My father also prefers the secretarial track? (Torgovnick 128). This is authoritarian behavior because rather that asking Torgovnick which track she wanted to follow, they wanted to choose it for her. Just because she is a girl, they wanted to put her in a track that is below her standards. Cornel West uses Malcolm X's writings to explain su? premacy, Manichean ideologies, and authoritarian behavior. West agrees with most of Malcolm X's ideas, however he disagrees with Malcolm X's rejection of black church and music. West argues by using the metaphor of jazz that, ?an improvisational mode of protean, fluid, and flexible dispo? sitions toward reality suspicious of ?either/or' viewpoints, dogmatic pronouncements, or supremacist ideologies? (West 119). In other words, to West the black church and black music represents freedom, something that Malcolm X does not realize. Hawash 4 In order to explain Manichean ideologies and authori? tarian behavior, one must look at Malcolm X's fear of cul? tural hybridity. West writes, ?Malcolm X's fear of cultural hybridity rests upon two political concerns: that cultural hybridity downplayed the vicious character of white supremacy and that cultural hybridity intimately linked the destinies of black and white people such that the possibility of black freedom was far-fetched? (West 117). Meaning that if blacks and whites are to share things (cultural hybridity) whites will always have the advantage. Therefore, blacks will never achieve total freedom. Malcolm X saw this as a weakness, which does seem understandable. However, Malcolm X fails to realize that if blacks are to go off on their own, this would lead to supremacy and Manichean ideologies. West says, ?Furthermore, the cultural hybrid character of black